Editorial: It may be too difficult for the Scottish government to enact big bang reforms while pursuing an independence vote. Published: 13 Sep Scottish first minister warns that Westminster will use EU exit fallout as reason it is unworkable. Covid solidarity will oil wheels of new Scottish independence referendum — Sturgeon. Nicola Sturgeon starts work on a new push for Scottish independence. Published: 7 Sep Scottish independence vote depends on sustained support, says UK minister.
Published: 27 Aug Published: 24 Aug Published: 18 Aug The Guardian view on Boris Johnson in Scotland: an undeclared campaign. Published: 4 Aug Scottish independence vote will happen if public wants it, says Michael Gove. It became known, thanks to an ill-advised joke by one of its advisers, as Project Fear.
Effective at the time, the message's durability is now in doubt for three reasons. First, the more that campaigners for the union highlight Scotland's dependence on tax receipts from the richer south east of England, the less attractive such a state of affairs may appear.
Increasing numbers of voters in England are asking why they should be writing the cheques and many north of the border are wondering why Scotland is poorer than other parts of the UK in the first place. Secondly, it did not resolve widespread Scottish discontent about being ruled, at a UK level, by a Conservative party, which is consistently far less popular north of the border. Thirdly, and perhaps most obviously, it assumed those British waters would remain calm and the voyage serene. In Scotland, the one million people who wanted to leave the EU were far less than the 1.
The leave vote was unaffected by Scotland and Northern Ireland favouring remain, prompting Nicola Sturgeon to declare that there had been a "material change" in circumstances which justified asking Scots whether they had now changed their minds about rejecting independence. Not far from the US president Donald Trump's golf course on the Aberdeenshire coast, Michelle Stephen farms some ewes and 10 rams or tups, as they're known in Scotland.
She opposes Brexit and worries about its impact but she does have concerns about independence which are practical and specific. This is the conflicting effect of Brexit on Scotland's current constitutional debate. One argument holds that it strengthens the political case for leaving the UK Scotland didn't vote for it , the other that it weakens the economic case why compound the uncertainty? The SNP's major argument is that decisions about what is best for future governance are fundamentally different depending on whether you are in London or Edinburgh.
This is the case for independence it is likely to advance in any future referendum. It wants Scotland to have the ability to implement policies tailored to the specific needs of the Scottish, rather than the UK, economy.
Ms Sturgeon has confirmed that her party's manifesto for next May's Scottish Parliament elections will contain a commitment to a second referendum, or indyref2 as it has become known on social media. She is hoping to win a majority of seats and the polls suggest that outcome is likely. But the power to hold a referendum resides with Westminster. The poll was only arranged when London agreed to temporarily transfer that power to Edinburgh.
Mr Johnson has repeatedly insisted that he will not consent to a second vote but there are indications that some members of his governing Conservative party regard that position as unsustainable. Since BP discovered the giant Forties field in the North Sea off Aberdeen in , the 'black gold' has fuelled the independence movement.
For years the party pointed to prosperous Norway, which used the proceeds of its share of North Sea oil to set up a vastly profitable investment fund, as an example of the wealth an independent Scotland could enjoy. The UK government, which controls the tax revenue from the British sector of the North Sea, most of which is in Scottish waters, never set up such a fund. Those arguments have faded as the price of the commodity has collapsed, the industry has contracted, with thousands of job losses in Aberdeen, and the conversation about tackling climate change has made it politically trickier to extol the benefits of fossil fuels.
In the run-up to the referendum, the Scottish government published a prospectus for independence which mentioned the word "oil" more than times. Mr Foster did something unusual for this year. He started a business. A few years ago, as a schoolboy keen to earn some money, he had asked his grandmother to teach him how to make jam.
Within a week he had sold 50 jars. And in lockdown he went one step further, opening a farm shop with the help of his parents. He adds: "There's just not the money there any more to go independent. Leaving the UK, he says, would lead to a "massive crash in the economy". It's got the pound. In , as an active member of the Labour Party in Aberdeenshire, Ms Millar campaigned for the union under the umbrella of the official "No" campaign, which was styled Better Together, an uneasy alliance of Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat politicians.
She says the black gold did not benefit the poorer parts of Scotland's oil capital. Rather, the profits went to wealthy suburbs and multinational companies while the tax revenues flowed to Whitehall. Aberdeen, she says, is "a tale of two cities," with a lot of wealth from oil but also a lot of poverty too.
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